Kim Eo-jun politics and the ruling party’s belated reality check

 
Lee Hyun-sang 
 
The author is a columnist at the JoongAng Ilbo. 
 
 
 
A controversy triggered by allegations raised on broadcaster Kim Eo-jun’s YouTube channel is spreading rapidly through Korea’s political scene.
 
Jang In-su, a former MBC reporter who appeared as a panelist, promoted the claim as an “exclusive report.” Yet the content was so thin that it hardly qualified as reporting. The gist was that a senior government official, described as one of President Lee Jae Myung’s closest aides, told multiple high-ranking prosecutors that “my words represent the president’s will” while requesting the withdrawal of the indictment in the president’s case.
 

Journalist Jang In-su, formerly of MBC, raises allegations of a supposed deal to cancel an indictment on the YouTube channel “Kim Eo-jun’s Humility Is Hard, News Factory” on March 10. [YOUTUBE CAPTURE]

 
The allegation rested on hearsay built upon another layer of hearsay. One source claimed that the president wanted the indictment withdrawn, while another said he had heard that such remarks were made by a close presidential aide. The claims were aired publicly without verification.
 
If a reporter were to bring such an unverified story to a newsroom and excitedly present it as an exclusive, what would an editor say? A responsible editor would begin with a basic question: “Did you confirm this with multiple sources or secure any other evidence?”
 
The next question would likely be whether the reporter had sought a response from the other side. Another would examine the motives of the source who provided the information. These are elementary principles of reporting that even junior reporters understand.
 
Yet the reason this weak “exclusive” has stirred political circles is simple. The ruling camp itself has been deeply engaged with the issue, making it difficult to dismiss the claim entirely as implausible.
 
Roughly two-thirds of lawmakers from the Democratic Party have joined a group advocating the cancellation of indictments. Party leader Jung Chung-rae has even threatened to imprison prosecutors who, he claims, “fabricated” charges against the president.
 
Whether this episode represents a glimpse into internal discussions within the administration or simply baseless misinformation remains to be seen. The controversy would likely subside if President Lee were to draw a clear line on the matter himself.
 
Raising speculative allegations under the guise of reporting has long been associated with Kim Eo-jun. Similar controversies surrounded the so-called “K-value” theory alleging manipulation in the vote count during the 18th presidential election, conspiracy claims that the Sewol ferry disaster was deliberately caused, the “saengtae-tang (pollock soup) restaurant” controversy involving Seoul Mayor Oh Se-hoon and speculation about hidden forces behind revelations by former comfort woman victim Lee Yong-soo.
 

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Kim often framed these claims as “reasonable suspicion.” Some figures within the ruling camp mocked mainstream media outlets that emphasized verification and balance as “conventional media,” while amplifying such conspiracy theories.
 
It is difficult to deny that today’s ruling bloc has benefited politically from Kim’s style of broadcasting. At one point Kim’s influence became so prominent that he jokingly demanded deep bows from ruling party candidates while laughing.
 
President Lee Jae Myung himself visited Kim’s studio several times before taking office. Jung Chung-rae was also widely seen as benefiting from Kim’s support during the party leadership race.
 
Now, however, the ruling camp appears to be distancing itself from him. Like the biblical account of Peter denying Jesus before the rooster crowed, political figures who once welcomed Kim’s influence are now disavowing him.
 
Han Jeoung-ae, the Democratic Party’s policy committee chair, criticized the broadcast for distributing unverifiable claims as if they were facts. Lawmaker Park Chan-dae said it had been a long time since he had appeared on Kim’s program. A group known as the Democratic National Innovation Council stated that if Kim claims to perform a journalistic function, he should bear the corresponding responsibility.
 
Ironically the controversial broadcast was less an attack on President Lee himself than an argument that concerns about the president’s legal situation should not lead to a softening of efforts to reform the prosecution system, including proposals to strip prosecutors of investigative authority.
 
Even Kim appeared cautious during the program, remarking that it was unclear whether someone might have been falsely invoking the president’s name.
 
Despite these nuances it now appears unlikely that Kim can continue to function as a central “speaker” for the ruling camp.
 
Some observers already suspect that Kim has taken sides in the internal power struggle within the ruling party, particularly by aligning himself with Jung Chung-rae.
 
More importantly he has touched on a sensitive issue for a president still early in his term.
 

Jung Chung-rae, leader of the Democratic Party, appears on the YouTube program “Kim Eo-jun’s Humility Is Hard, News Factory” on Jan. 6. [YOUTUBE CAPTURE]

 
Kim’s political influence within the ruling bloc largely stemmed from his style of confrontation — mocking and belittling opponents in the conservative camp while promoting conspiratorial narratives.
 
Those same tactics, once directed at political rivals, have now been turned inward against competing factions within the ruling camp. The backlash suggests the risks of using such methods in internal power struggles.
 
In that sense the episode reflects not only Kim’s miscalculation but also the broader political culture that enabled his rise.
 
Former Democratic Party leader Song Young-gil once remarked that those who fight monsters must be careful not to become monsters themselves.
 
Whether conservative or progressive, Korean politics has already absorbed too much of the combative style associated with Kim Eo-jun. The damage to the political culture may prove difficult to reverse.


This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.